Prime Minister Starmer visited Wales' northern region this past Thursday to declare the construction of a new nuclear power station. This represents a significant policy event with implications at local and countrywide levels. Yet, the prime minister did not devote much time in Wales to advocating solutions for the UK's power requirements. Rather, he used the time attempting to put an end to the Labour leadership briefing row, telling journalists that No 10 had not undermined the health secretary's goals in recent days.
Therefore, Sir Keir’s day served as a microcosm of what his premiership has now become overall. On the one hand, he desires his government to be doing, and to be seen to be doing, significant actions. Conversely, he is incapable to accomplish this due to the way he – and, partly, the nation more generally – now practices political and governmental affairs.
Sir Keir is unable to change the political culture single-handedly, but he is able to take action about his personal involvement in it. The simple truth is that he could manage the centre of government much more effectively than he does. If he did this, he might find that the nation was in less dismay about his administration than it is, and that he was communicating his points more successfully.
Some of the issues in Number 10 are about personnel. The interpersonal relations of every Downing Street operation are hard to know well from outside. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir does not make good personnel choices, or stick with them. Perhaps he is too busy. Perhaps he is not really interested. But he needs to up his game, not do things slowly or by halves.
Every prime minister devote excessive time abroad and on foreign affairs, areas where Sir Keir ought to assign more tasks, and insufficient time conversing with parliamentarians and hearing the citizens. Premiers also allocate too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir worsens by doing it poorly. Yet leaders cannot claim to be surprised when their politically appointed staff, who are often party loyalists or politically ambitious, overstep boundaries or become the focus, as the chief of staff now has.
The most significant problems, however, are systemic. It would be beneficial to think that Sir Keir reviewed the a think tank's spring 2024 study on overhauling the government's central operations. His failure to grip these issues in the summer or since suggests he did not. The often abject performance of Labour’s time in office suggests IfG proposals like restructuring the roles of the central government office and Downing Street, and separating the jobs of top official and head of the civil service, are now urgent.
The political pre-eminence of prime ministers far outdistances the assistance provided to them. Consequently, everything currently suffers, and many tasks are poorly executed or neglected.
This isn't Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He stands as the casualty of previous shortcomings along with the architect of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the core and prioritize governmental structures have been let down. Unfortunately, the primary casualty from this failure is Sir Keir himself.
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